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The Filipino Muslims

- Muslims in Mindanao have always made an effort to understand their past and have never ceased to remember those men who, on account of personal traits, character, and leadership, have helped guarantee the preservation of Islam in spite of the determined efforts of their antagonists to deprive them of their religion, land, and knowledge of their ancient past.

- The characters and attitudes of present-day Muslims are not only the result of what they have made out of themselves but also of what others have forced them to become.

- A Muslim Filipino is a "fierce lover of freedom" and "proud of his culture" to the extent that one "does not offer meek apologies" for whatever shortcomings his culture might have. This, according to Teodoro A. Agoncillo, a noted historian.

- The ethnic people of Mindanao and Sulu are classified into 10 major language-based groups: the Maguindanaos, Maranaos, Tausugs, Samals, Yakans, Badjaos, Jama Mapuns, Palawananuns, Molbogs, and the Sangils.

- The Tausugs, Samals, Yakans, and the Jama Mapuns in particular tend to be sea-oriented. Livelihood among these people has been principally based on a current, shore and market place existence.

- Outside of the Mindanao mainland, Filipino Muslims are concentrated in the southern parts of Palawan, Cagayan de Sulu Island, and the entire Sulu Archipelago. The Tausugs are found in Jolo and Siasi Islands while the Samals are settled in Tawi-Tawi province and northern Sulu. The Yakans are in Basilan province while the Jama Mapuns live mostly in Cagayan de Sulu Island and partly in the southwestern part of Palawan. The Badjaos can be found in "sea villages" located mainly in Tawi-Tawi and Sibatu and isolated sections of the islands of Siasi and Jolo and in Zamboanga.

Socio-Political Structure

- Filipino Muslim social life is deeply influenced by their religion. It is a synthesis of indigenous practices and Islam. It is considered more than a religion. It is a way of life.

  - The Muslim social set-up now slightly differs from the independent pre-Islamic social institutions that once dominated the rest of ancient Philippines. In the past, the people were classified into the nobles, the freemen, and the dependents. This social classification is mainly determined by class, status, and power. The nobles represented the ruling class while those who belong to the last two social levels were the followers.

-The numerous organized communities, which were called differently in Tausug, Samal, Yakan, and Subanun, were similar to the barangays. They functioned independently and were governed by their own laws and chieftains.

- The Islamization of the area and the introduction of the sultanate as a political authority slowly affected the community structure. The Tausugs, in particular, became aware of the sultanate as a permanent fixture of their political and social institutions. However, the power of the Sultan of Sulu was not absolute. His decision was not influenced by the powerful datus who were usually composed of the ruma bichara, an important body in decision-making.

- The hierarchy of the sultanate is based on three ethnic levels. At the uppermost of the hierarchial system are the Tausugs, the dominant group, followed by the Samals and the Yakans.

- The Tausugs represent the nobles in the social strata while the commoners refer mostly to the Samals. The lowest segment of the society consists of the "outsiders."

A Tri-Dimensional Society

- The population of the Sulu archipelago is primarily dependent on marine resources. Deep-sea fishing is an existing large-scale industry. Throughout the archipelago, fishing is practiced, particularly in those areas inhabited by the Samals and the Badjaos such as the major fishing grounds grounds of Jolo, Tawi-Tawi, and Sitangkai.

- Industries are based on fishing and agricultural activities such as rice milling, copra processing, abaca production, and semi-finished fish and shell materials manufacturing. Cottage industries are encouraged and supported. Textile weaving, boat building, tools and weapons making, production of decorative goods from brass, bronze, gold, and silver combined with coral and shell products, are some of the secondary industries.

- The major crops of most Sulu farmers are cassava, rice, corn, coconut, banana and abaca. Few tropical fruits are cultivated as much as abaca and coconut, which are produced on a commercial scale.

- Shifting cultivation or non-irrigation farming is also practiced. Most of the arable lands are planted to rice or coconut. In addition to rice and cassava as main crops, early maturing cereals such as corn, sorghum, and sesame are also cultivated. Root crops such as sweet potatoes are planted in the field in between planting seasons. Vegetables and tropical fruits are equally important. Coconut palm is becoming as valuable as in other parts of the Philippines. The trunk of the coconut tree is used as a sugar cane squeezer while the leaves are used for basket making. Brooms are made from the ribs. Coconut oil, which is as valuable as rice in everyday life, is produced in sufficient quantities.

The Coming of Islam to Sulu

- In 878 A.D., because of an anti-foreign policy in China and a rebellion in the Celestial Empire, hundreds of Muslims were massacred in South China. Hundreds of those who survived flocked to the ports of the Malay Peninsula. Blocked from returning to China, these traders began to engage in local trade in Southern Asia. When Muslim merchants were allowed once again to return to China in the 10th century, they did not abandon the traffic in these new products or the use of new routes since the trade with the Malay peoples was profitable. Scholars generally believe that Muslim merchants made Borneo known to the Chinese during the 10th century. Since Borneo is close to the Philippines it can be presumed that Muslim traders had begun to know Sulu at least by that time, if not earlier.

- The tarsilas (genealogical accounts) are about the coming of a certain Makhdum Karim. He is said to have traveled extensively and effected conversion among the local population.

The "Moro Problem": A Problem of History

- The Muslims' political organizations have antedated the coming of Europeans in the Archipelago. Being Muslims have given them a sense of belonging to a wider community transcending regional, racial, and linguistic barriers.

- It should be noted that present-day Muslims increasingly see themselves as a people apart, whose history is older than the other peoples with whom they now interact as members of the Philippine nation.

- Islam is the main factor which gives them this sense of identity. They see Islam as an indispensable part of their history.

- The adoption of Christianity tended to make its Christian converts in the Archipelago somewhat content to be subservient to Spain. The intensification of Islamic consciousness and institutions among the Muslims served as a force inspiring opposition to Spain. If the Christianized inhabitants were not outright allies of Spain in efforts to subject the Muslims, they were at least tools of the Spanish in that effort. Thus, it is understandable why Muslims for centuries have looked at Christianized Filipinos as their enemies.

- Muslims, rightly or wrongly, take it for granted that they have a longer history in the struggle for freedom than the other inhabitants of the Philippines.

- All efforts to Christianize them, to reduce them to slavery, and sometimes even to exterminate them ended in failure. As a people proud of this fact, they resent what appears to them as an attitude of political and economic superiority on the part of non-Muslims, as well as the exercise of power over them by persons who in effect ignore their religious and cultural sensibilities.

- They also resent what appears to them as neglect, if not outright discrimination, in the distribution of what they see as their rightful share of those social benefits. In short, they assert that the national society into which they have been thrust is an unjust society.

- But what they resent, most of all, is questioning their sense of patriotism and loyalty.

History has given rise to negative attitudes on both sides. That is why the complaints and the problems of the Muslims cannot be dealt with in the same manner as the complaints of labor groups, political parties, farmers' groups, etc. The problems of Muslims in the Philippines are peculiar. No solution or any intervention in the problems of the Muslims in the Philippines can be effective or permanent without taking into consideration as a frame of reference the principle that Filipino Muslims have a history older than that of any of the other Filipino groups or even of the Philippine nation itself, and that this is a vital part of their self-consciousness, coloring their relationships with their fellow citizens. (Leo Omoso, PIA ROIX)

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With this dramatic yet forceful declaration, President Estrada set the tone for the government's approach towards developing Mindanao.

To win the peace, the President gave a four-point formula, which includes the development of Mindanao, because "without development, there can be no peace."

Government agencies quickly acted to make sure that progress comes to Mindanao. A few days after the State of the Nation Address, the technical committee of the Mindanao Coordinating Council convened to fasttrack the relief and rehabilitation programs of the government.

The technical committee is the workhorse of the high-level MCC chaired by no less than the President.

Even before the SONA, President Estrada already recognized the need to rebuild Mindanao. On July 5, he signed Executive Order 261 creating the MCC to "coordinate and orchestrate all rehabilitation efforts in Mindanao."

The SONA merely emphasized the need for an immediate and comprehensive solution to the pressing problems faced by the Filipinos in Mindanao.

The MCC was created to act as the overall coordinating body to "ensure the integration, synchronization, and accelerated implementation of plans, programs, and projects to rehabilitate Mindanao."

It is mandated to ensure the maximum participation of government agencies and other offices in Mindanao. It has also been directed to tap the Mindanao Economic Development Council, the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development, and the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao as "coordinating, monitoring, and validating arm" of the MCC in the area.

The MCC has likewise been tasked with mobilizing resources, accelerating the implementation of programs, and harnessing the participation of the private sector to speed up relief and rehabilitation efforts.

More importantly, it is a concrete proof that the President is taking a "direct hand" in the development of Mindanao. It also shows that Mindanao is a priority area of the Estrada administration.

And priority it is. Its membership comprises of no less than the Executive Secretary and the secretaries of key line agencies, such as budget and management, public works and highways, finance, trade and industry, agriculture, energy, education, culture and sports, and health.

Other members include the director-general of the National Economic and Development Authority, chairman of the Presidential Committee on Flagship Programs and Projects, chairman of the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council, a representative from the Regional Development Councils in Mindanao, and five private sector representatives.

The technical committee chaired by NEDA Director-General Felipe Medalla acts as "the body that shall rationalize all government action related to relief, rehabilitation, and development of Mindanao."

Also before the SONA, President Estrada signed Executive Order 267 creating the Presidential Executive Task Force for Relief and Rehabilitation in Central Mindanao headed by Chair Edicio dela Torre. The executive body is envisioned to be the government's "working arm" that will immediately address the concerns of families affected by the conflict.

Hitting the ground running, the task force went to work. First, the baselines were established. How many people were affected? How were they affected? Where do they live? What were their immediate needs?

Once the targets were set, priority programs and areas were identified. The task force then met with Agriculture Secretary Edgardo Angara, chair of the MCC Ad Hoc Committee, to coordinate the efforts of both the high-level MCC and the executive-level Task Force on Relief and Rehabilitation of Central Mindanao. Intensive consultations were also held with local government officials to ensure the speedy implementation of the priority programs.

By August, the task force started rolling out the package of programs that will jumpstart recovery in the areas affected by the conflict. The trick is to make the strategic approach work. And what is the strategic approach? "Convergence," answered Dela Torre, who is also director-general of the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA), an attached agency of the Department of Labor and Employment.

The convergence approach calls for an LGU-led management. This means municipalities will be the convergence points and local officials will spearhead the implementation of all programs initiated by different government agencies. The work is centered on the community. Members of each community affected then determine among themselves what the minimum basic needs are. The task force uses this as part of the baseline data in determining the programs to be given highest priority by the government.

Based on this, the task force came up with convergence programs in the municipal level, in the form of agricultural production relief assistance, infrastructure support for evacuees and communities, delivery of basic education services, rehabilitation of infrastructure facilities, farm-based and community-based economic support, and the restoration of the governance system.

Each program will be initiated by specific government agencies, either individually or in tandem with other agencies. For example, there is the agricultural production relief assistance program led by the departments of agriculture and agrarian reform. This program is geared towards improving the economic condition of the farmers who comprise the backbone of Mindanao's economy. It involves providing the farmers easy access to means of production such as farm inputs and livestock, post-harvest facilities, farm to market roads, among others.

The agrarian reform department has stepped up the acquisition of lands in the area for distribution to the farmers and the development of agrarian reform communities, showcases of the CARP. The National Food Authority, on the other hand, helps farmers procure palay and corn and established ERAP sari-sari stores, rolling stores, and "palengke ng bayan."

The TESDA has forged a partnership with the Department of Social Welfare and Development and other agencies to build the necessary infrastructure for evacuees and communities, with DSWD Undersecretary Felicidad Villareal as the task force's vice chair. This involves the development of resettlement sites, the construction of community-based convertible structures and the construction of core houses.

The education department has teamed up with LGUs and the DPWH to repair damaged school buildings, construct makeshift classrooms, and fielded teachers to provide basic education to children living in conflict-torn areas.

The rehabilitation of damaged infrastructure like roads, bridges, mosques, markets, schools are also being undertaken by the DPWH and the Armed Forces of the Philippines.

Side by side with these programs, the LGUs, AFP, and PNP work together to restore the governance system in affected areas.

The roots of the Mindanao problem are complex and deep-rooted. As far as the government is concerned, it is a problem of secession: a group of people attempting to "amputate the southern parts of the country away from the organized whole and to convert them into an independent Muslim state."

The military approach was a necessary precursor to efforts to rehabilitate Mindanao, according to the National Peace and Development Plan. The NPDP advocates the use of the peace process to settle the longstanding conflict with the MILF. But it draws the line where the country's territorial integrity and sovereignty are compromised.

Unfortunately, the government saw the MILF's occupation of 46 camps over large territories in Mindanao as "territorial encroachment."

"As President, I could not just stand by while the rebels ate up more and more of the country's territory they were not elected to govern," the Chief Executive said. "In order to ensure permanent peace in the future, we had to demolish the rebels' apparatus for making war. Moreover, abstention from military action would have been tantamount to political abdication."

Now that conflict areas in Mindanao are more or less "cleared," according to military parlance, rehabilitation can start. "For without peace, there can be no development," the President said.

Roughly, the problems confronted by post-conflict Mindanao can be answered through a two-pronged approach: relief and rehabilitation.

Relief refers to efforts to immediately address the needs of people affected by the unrest. Rehabilitation, on the other hand, connotes a long-term approach to the multi-faceted problems that beset the southern Philippine regions.

The challenge to government appears daunting at first. At least 700,000 people in 433 barangays in Central Mindanao were affected by the fighting, according to the DSWD. Minimum needs such as food, clothing, shelter, and basic health and education services have to be met.

"But the real challenge for us in government is not only to restore the people to their condition before the fighting happened, but if possible to raise their living conditions," said Dela Torre.

"We will restore not only their houses and livelihoods, but their lives," he added.

As the President aptly described, the government is building "a new beginning for Mindanao."

"To begin with, we will write a new history for Mindanao. We will rectify centuries of historical wrongs committed by successive colonial powers, and decades of inequities committed by successive Philippine governments."

Mindanao, though a resource-rich island, has a high incidence of poverty, reaching nearly 50 percent in Central Mindanao.
At least two government agencies - the Department of Agriculture and Department of Agrarian Reform - have taken the President's directive to heart. The agriculture department came up with the Agriculture Action Plan for Central Mindanao that aims to enable around 16,000 families to immediately resume farming and fishing in their respective areas.

In the medium term, it aims to enhance agri-economic activities by providing production and post-harvest facilities, infrastructure and technical support services. The DAR, on the other hand, crafted the program, Sulong Mindanao, to facilitate land acquisition and the establishment of Agrarian Reform Communities (ARCs). In fact, it can be credited with being the only government agency that has designated an undersecretary for Mindanao.

Other agencies are following suit. In fact, many government projects are now geared towards building a booming Mindanao in the near term.

"Mindanao has traditionally been called the Land of Promise. This romantic name has always been a one-way affair. The rest of the country has always expected Mindanao to fulfill its promises to them. It is now time for the rest of the country to fulfill its promises to Mindanao. We should now convert Mindanao into the Land of Fulfillment."

President Estrada has set a clear direction, and many hope that it is just a matter of time before his vision - indeed the country's vision - for Mindanao becomes a reality.

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Too often, we have been preoccupied with vision and mission statements, hardly going in the direction of improved operations as times change. We need road maps, but we need roads as well; we want to travel faster, so we need railways and airports; we need to send messages, but we need telecommunication systems too. Just as we need to improve significant places in our country, we need water, electricity, transport, and irrigation facilities for productive agriculture, industry and services.

Insurgency, poverty, and unemployment are the three major problems that have made development in southern Philippines painfully slow. And ever since renewed hostilities in Mindanao took the spotlight, economic development in the area seemed to fairly limp along.

President Estrada banked on Mindanao's huge agriculture production potential as the jump-off point for the administration's development blueprint for the island. Towards this end, the Presidential Committee on Flagship Programs and Projects headed by Secretary Roberto Aventajado is currently pushing for the completion of more than 20 flagship projects in the area. Soon, Mindanaoans will no longer have to worry about rough roads, lack of electricity and irrigation systems, bridges and air transport terminals in the country's southern backdoor.

Public Works and Highways Secretary Gregorio Vigilar, the department head who handles the highest number of flagship projects said: "The present administration under President Joseph E. Estrada is not starting the infrastructure race from a standstill. It must continue at a gallop, with the benefit of the existing policies and programs of the previous administrations. Our current administration is continuing with the in-place laws, policies, programs and projects for infrastructure modernization, and to reach out even further."

For years, past administrations neglected to maintain and upgrade infrastructure facilities and services in this particular part of the country, adversely affecting the national economic performance at a significant level. Today, the Presidential Committee on Flagship programs and projects is finally filling the gaps towards infrastructure development through the aid of multilateral institutions.

Completing at least two unfinished projects left behind by the Ramos administration in Mindanao and currently putting other flagship projects in place, the flagship committee now maintains a steady, transparent and creative course with hopes of surpassing the infrastructure record of the past administration. This is shown in the Estrada government's dedication and strong political will to implement the complex transactions of privately-financed infrastructure projects.

The committee hopes that most of these projects will be completed by 2004. Aventajado says 86 new projects have been added to the 42 Ramos projects, bringing to 128 the total flagship projects in line. But he adds that it is not the number of projects that counts. What is more important, he stresses, is that the projects are completed on time.

"The continuity and completion of reforms is even more important than the ability to initiate them," said Aventajado.

These infrastructure projects are not supposed to be built only in plans and abstract construction.

In the face of increasing challenges towards development, the Flagship committee has to gallop its way towards the completion of crucial infrastructure projects to maintain and improve Mindanao's competitive advantages in the decades to come.

A quick look at Mindanao

The southernmost region of the Republic of the Philippines, located in the heart of the Asia-Pacific region, Mindanao has become a "gateway to opportunity" for Philippine and international investors eyeing opportunities in agribusiness, industry, and tourism.

-   Mindanao's rich soil and abundant, evenly-spaced rainfall enable it to produce a wide variety of food and industrial crops year-round. Historically, it accounts for one-third of the Philippines' total agricultural output, and is home to many successful national and multinational agribusiness firms.
-   Its mountain ranges are rich in both metallic and non-metallic mineral resources, including gold, nickel, lead, limestone, and manganese.
-    Its long coastline, brought about by many islets in the northeast and southwest, harbor rich marine resources.
-   The island boasts of numerous ports for serving international shipping needs, as well as a score of city/municipal and fish ports for domestic commerce.
-   Its vastly-improved road infrastructure and transport services have not only interlinked its cities, they have also linked the island to major centers of commerce around the country, reducing transport costs and travel time significantly.
-    Mindanao's location in the center of the East Asean region is the perfect setting for this emerging agro-industrial and manufacturing center. The island's seven growth zones host a wide variety of economic activities.
-    With a population of over 16 million people, Mindanao is home to a quarter of the Philippines' total population. Two-thirds of the population are of working age, and Mindanao's labor force is well-educated, trainable, highly-skilled, and conversant in English.

Modern Infrastructure

Mindanao has initiated a massive infrastructure program focusing on physical integration and on the upgrading and expansion of telecommunications throughout the island.

-    A modern telecommunications network, incorporating IDD-NDD, cellular, fax, telegram, and Internet access, already services all major cities and is now being expanded to cover rural areas.
-    An arterial road network connecting all major population centers is complete. All segments are either paved or in the process of being paved.

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The extraordinary success of Datu Paglas town, is that if the potentials of a locality is pushed, with the inspiration of a daring, active, aggressive, and innovative leader, there is no way to go but up. For this achievement, Toto Paglas was chosen as one of the Outstanding Young Men of 1999 in the Countryside Development category.

Through the initiative and drive of this youthful leader, the dreams of his forebears of turning the area into a peaceful and productive place with its people living in harmony regardless of cultural beliefs, are now reality.

In its now steady march to progress, the town drawing the attention of not only local observers but foreign capitalists as well.

Datu Toto Paglas much lauded paper, "From War to Economic Zone: A Case of Enterprise Development-the Datu Paglas Experience" is a testimony that extensive studies, research, idealism, and long hours of hard work and dedication will carry through his pet projects, and that the spirit of self improvement and self-reliance can mobilize people into action.

A noted local writer once said: "The ideas of Mayor Toto, I am certain, did not crop up overnight. Much of his vision to create a productive community may have originated from his illustrious forebears."

"Back in the 70s, I had the privilege of meeting the elder Datu Ibrahim Paglas Sr. Even then, Datu Ibrahim revealed to us his plans to establish rubber, coffee, and cacao plantations in his vast agricultural estate."

The resourceful former mayor also brought in a modern irrigation system and animal breeding technology from Israel, and successfully promoted the inflow of much-needed capitalization from Arab, Italian, and local resources. These triggered the opening of allied agricultural entreprises as well as livelihood opportunities for thousands.

The first private firm that poured capital in the area was the Southeast Asia Sugar Milling Corporation (SEASUMCO) which has established its 1,000 hectare of sugar plantation. The multinational corporation, La Frutera, has also invested in the area with an initial 1,000 hectares planted to Cavendish type (also known as "chiquita") bananas.

The Datu Paglas Toto-Unlad project is now also being set up with the lead projects: Cattle Fattening and Breeding with Rice Production, Sugarcane Production, Pineapple Production, and Banana Production as its allied projects. This is also another benchmark project of Toto Paglas.

The town is now said to be politically stable, enjoy strong government and non-government support. More important, its Muslim and Christian residents live in complete harmony. The town has also a zero crime rate.

The development and progress of Datu Paglas has served as a sterling example to many Muslim political and traditional leaders especially in Maguindanao province. (Cecilio Cadorna/Aida Agad, PIA ROXII)

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    The Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) held peace talks with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) under the auspices of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to help resolve decades of armed conflict in Mindanao. After patiently undertaking years of negotiations under a peace process, the GRP and the MNLF concluded a Final Peace Agreement on September 2, 1996. This agreement provided for an improved autonomy for our Muslim population in Mindanao. The OIC has acknowledged it as a just, comprehensive and lasting fulfillment of the Filipino Muslims' quest for effective autonomy and meaningful self-governance under the Philippine Constitution. This Peace Agreement is presently being implemented by the Philippine Government.

MILF wants independent state

Former MNLF members led by Hashim Salamat separated from the leadership of Chairman Nur Misuari to form the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in order to pursue secession and establish an independent state in southern Philippines, contrary to the OIC-sponsored autonomy.

The government would always want the Mindanao problem to be settled peacefully and politically. Hence, during the peace talks between the GRP and the MNLF, the MILF was invited by the government to participate, but the MILF leaders did not like to take part in the negotiations.

While the GRP-MNLF negotiations were going on, and to date, the MILF has continued to strengthen its military capability and has posed a potent security threat to the stability of the Republic, particularly in Mindanao.

MILF hostile actions and government response

After the signing of the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement, the government initiated peace talks with the MILF so they can be included in the Autonomous Region. Since 1997 to April 2000, under an agreed general cessation of hostilities, peace talks were conducted between the GRP and the MILF.

But even when the peace talks were ongoing, the MILF had violated the ceasefire agreement on many occasions. These violations usually consisted of harassments by mortar fire or sniper shots at our military detachments or patrols, armed checkpoints, and raids or illegal occupations of some villages. In recent times, the MILF had perpetrated several illegal activities since January. MILF rebels occupied the town hall of Talayan, Maguindanao on January 10, 2000, holding hundreds of civilians hostage. Moreover, the rebels set up roadblocks along portions of the national highway in Talayan, disrupting travel and commerce. In March, the rebels occupied two towns in Lanao del Norte - Kauswagan and Munai - and blocked another national highway. The MILF continued to occupy and undertake extortion activities in the Narciso Ramos Highway in Maguindanao, thereby controlling municipal governments along that highway through force and intimidation. On May 13, 2000, MILF rebels occupied one barangay in Esperanza, Sultan Kudarat, and held 150 persons hostage.

Any responsible and self-respecting government would not allow rebels to endanger the lives of hundreds of innocent people and overpower duly-elected local civilian governments. Hence, the Armed Forces launched operations to free these towns from the rebels, and protect the civilian population. While the government is committed to exhausting all peaceful and political means to address the conflict in Mindanao, we cannot close our eyes to the armed challenge of the rebels to the Constitutional order, or let the rebels continue victimizing our people through terrorism and other illegal acts. Accordingly, the government must take decisive action.

Government policy

The Strategy of Total Approach, which was approved by President Joseph Ejercito Estrada on September 29, 1999, serves as the overall strategy to effectively address the multi-dimensional armed conflicts/insurgencies in the country. Addressing the roots of discord and rebellion requires a multi-disciplinary solution, and thus, the government is implementing a package of policies and programs that would effectively and simultaneously address the socio-economic, political and security aspects of the situation.

Hence, with respect to Mindanao, particularly the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) problem, the Strategy of Total Approach as applied is embodied in the government's Four-Point Agenda to address the conflict, pursuant to the discussions in the National Security Council and the instructions of the President. These four points are:

1.    The Government shall continue to pursue peace negotiations with the MILF within the framework of the Constitution and the concept of meaningful autonomy.
2.    At the same time, the Government shall assert and uphold its authority under the Constitution - to preserve our territorial integrity as one nation, maintain law and order, and protect the civilian population, through effective military and police actions in cases of ceasefire violations or criminal or illegal acts perpetrated by the MILF and other rebel groups.
3.    The Government shall vigorously pursue socio-economic development programs in Muslim areas including those in the MILF area of influence to:
-    Develop and uplift the living conditions of our people; and,
-    Serve as confidence-building measures and moral encouragement for the MILF to embrace autonomy.
4.    The Government shall continue with the full and effective implementation of the GRP-MNLF Peace Agreement as a commitment and proof of our sincerity and goodwill, to resolve the Mindanao problem politically.

As part of the political agenda (no. 1 & 4), the government is offering a meaningful autonomy that can be allowed under the Philippine Constitution; and thus the Government Panel had exerted efforts to bring back the MILF to the peace process. The government had proposed to the MILF leadership to re-open the peace negotiation on May 30, 2000, and talk on substantive matters to settle the conflict politically.

It will be recalled that the MILF and the government had been undertaking peace talks for the last three years, but only procedural matters had been covered and no substantive matters were agreed upon. This prompted President Estrada to issue a deadline on June 30, 2000 to conclude the peace talks.

The socio-economic agenda (no. 3 and 4) being pursued includes substantial and focused development efforts in cities and provinces of the Special Zone of Peace and Development (SZOPAD), including MILF areas of influence. So far, the combined value of all government resources poured into the area during the past years would reach P32 billion. An international donor programme with the United Nations Development Program is also undertaking livelihood, skills training and providing emergency assistance that have now reached P55.7 million. A World Bank funded community development program for depressed areas under the SZOPAD Social Fund has extended P226 million for schools/madrasahs, water systems, health centers, and livelihood projects benefiting more than 220,000 Muslim beneficiaries.

The government is determined to implement the socio-economic programs for the development of our Muslim communities in Mindanao except those projects that have been derailed by financial constraints brought about by the economic crisis and interrupted only by the illegal activities being perpetrated by the MILF and criminal or terrorist groups in Mindanao.

On the security agenda (no. 2), the government shall take firm action on any activities inimical to the territorial integrity of the country and the safety of the people.

It will be noted that the priority action is to pursue peace negotiations with the MILF. However, if there are skirmishes between the Armed Forces and the MILF, it is due to the illegal activities committed by the MILF. Government has to take action, in line with no. 2 of the Four-Point Agenda.

Conclusion
It is emphasized that while the government is committed to the peaceful and political solution to address the conflict in Mindanao, government forces will not just fold their arms and allow the MILF to continue with its illegal activities especially against civilians or non-combatants, and such other acts that are inimical to the unity of our Republic and its territorial integrity. Government must correspondingly take strong action against the MILF on this score.

The continued back channeling of the peace negotiators had led to an agreement with the MILF for the two panels to ultimately return to the negotiating table. As of this writing, the GRP-MILF Peace Talks had re-opened as scheduled on May 30, 2000 in Cotabato City. The GRP Panel presented a political package to the MILF - to participate in self-governance and self-determination in an autonomy for our Muslim people within the Philippine Republic. The GRP requested the MILF to suggest enhancements to that proposed autonomy - and endeavor to recommend the best form of autonomy that can be allowed by our Constitution.

It is hoped that the MILF will accept this peaceful and political solution for the greater good not only of our Muslim people, but also for the lasting peace and development of all our people, regardless of creed and ethnic origin, in southern Philippines.

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